N\u00eb t\u00eb gjitha konfliktet e koh\u00ebs moderne, kur p\u00ebrfundojn\u00eb konfliktet e armatosura, arrihet deri tek t\u00eb kuptuarit se p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e pal\u00ebve n\u00eb konflikt, duhet t\u00eb jetojn\u00eb, n\u00ebse jo nj\u00ebri me tjetrin, at\u00ebher\u00eb, e pakta, nj\u00ebri pran\u00eb tjetrit. \u00c7\u00ebshtja e drejt\u00ebsis\u00eb p\u00ebr viktimat parashtrohet si nj\u00eb nga kushtet e r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme p\u00ebr vendosjen e paqes s\u00eb q\u00ebndrueshme midis pal\u00ebve, t\u00eb cilat kan\u00eb qen\u00eb n\u00eb konflikt. N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb v\u00ebshtrim t\u00eb shkurt\u00ebr, do t\u00eb paraqes tre shembuj nga pjes\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme t\u00eb bot\u00ebs. Q\u00ebllimisht k\u00ebtu nuk do t\u00eb p\u00ebrmend shembuj nga konfliktet n\u00eb Ballkan \u2013 megjith\u00ebse disa situata, t\u00eb cilat i p\u00ebrmend k\u00ebtu, jan\u00eb t\u00eb zbatueshme edhe n\u00eb kontekstin ballkanik, p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsisht n\u00eb kontekstin e Evrop\u00ebs Jugore, para s\u00eb gjithash kur \u00ebsht\u00eb fjala p\u00ebr institucionin e pajtimit.<\/p>\n
Nj\u00eb nga gj\u00ebrat themelore, n\u00eb t\u00eb cilat insistohet, \u00ebsht\u00eb pranimi i viktimave t\u00eb pal\u00ebve n\u00eb konflikt. Kjo nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb e leht\u00eb p\u00ebr ta zbatuar n\u00eb situatat kur, n\u00eb kuptimin \u201cushtarak\u201d, ka fituar nj\u00ebra pal\u00eb\u00a0 \u2013 si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb, p\u00ebr shembull, n\u00eb rastin e konfliktit midis shumic\u00ebs \u00a0s\u00eb sinhalez\u00ebve dhe tamileve n\u00eb Shri Lanka \u2013 as edhe n\u00eb rastet kur p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e shteteve dhe t\u00eb ushtrive drejtp\u00ebrdrejt kan\u00eb qen\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb masakrat\u00a0 e popullat\u00ebs civile, kurse pastaj vijn\u00eb n\u00eb situat\u00ebn q\u00eb t\u00eb b\u00ebhen p\u00ebrb\u00ebr\u00ebs t\u00eb patejkaluesh\u00ebm t\u00eb procesit t\u00eb paqes. Ky rasti i dyt\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb karakteristik p\u00ebr shtetet e Amerik\u00ebs Qendrore, si\u00e7 \u00ebsht\u00eb rasti i Guatemal\u00ebs. N\u00eb rastet e tjera, kur konflikti ka qen\u00eb, para s\u00eb gjithash, politik, si\u00e7 ka qen\u00eb ai n\u00eb Afrik\u00ebn Jugore, ka rezultuar deri te pajtimi politik i pal\u00ebve n\u00eb konflikt, t\u00eb personifikuar n\u00eb heqjen e ligjeve diskriminuese dhe largimin gradual t\u00eb pushtetit \u00a0n\u00eb t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebn periudh\u00ebn\u00a0 kalimtare , midis viteve 1990 dhe 1994.<\/p>\n
K\u00ebta tre shembuj, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt i kam cekur, pos me humbjet njer\u00ebzore, prap\u00ebseprap\u00eb, n\u00eb mes vete dallohen edhe n\u00eb detaje t\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishme. N\u00eb rastin e Shri Lank\u00ebs, ngadh\u00ebnjimi p\u00ebrfundimtar i nj\u00ebr\u00ebs pal\u00eb n\u00eb luft\u00eb duket se e b\u00ebn\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme q\u00eb pajtimi t\u00eb konsiderohet, paras\u00eb gjithash, si shprehje e vullnetit t\u00eb mir\u00eb t\u00eb ngadh\u00ebnjimtarit. Rol t\u00eb ve\u00e7ant\u00eb k\u00ebtu luan fakti se krahu ushtarak \u00a0i t\u00eb mundurve (LTTA, \u201eTigrat Tamil \u201c) nga ana e 32 shteteve (duke p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb k\u00ebtu edhe SHBA-t\u00eb, Kanadan\u00eb dhe shtetet e BE-s\u00eb) \u00ebsht\u00eb shpallur si organizat\u00eb terroriste. Ideologjia mbizot\u00ebruese e budizmit sinhalez po ashtu p\u00ebrb\u00ebn\u00eb problem \u2013 p\u00ebr m\u00eb shum\u00eb, disa autor\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb argumentuar kan\u00eb treguar se deri n\u00eb \u00e7far\u00eb mase kjo ideologji, e zhvilluar gjat\u00eb disa qindra vjet\u00ebve, ka p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuar komponent ky\u00e7 t\u00eb p\u00ebrgatitjeve p\u00ebr luft\u00eb dhe p\u00ebr vazhdimin e saj.<\/p>\n
Kur \u00ebsht\u00eb fjala p\u00ebr Guatemal\u00ebn, gjykimi i par\u00eb ndaj nj\u00eb ish funksionari t\u00eb lart\u00eb shtet\u00ebror p\u00ebr krime t\u00eb luft\u00ebs kund\u00ebr njer\u00ebzimit ka filluar vet\u00ebm n\u00eb vitin 2013 \u2013 edhe pse lufta qytetare, e cila ka filluar n\u00eb vitin 1960, zyrtarisht ka pap\u00ebrfunduar n\u00eb vitin 1996. Problem n\u00eb Guatemala \u00ebsht\u00eb pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebrfshirja e zyrtar\u00ebve shtet\u00ebror dhe ushtarak n\u00eb konflikte dhe prania e tyre e vazhdueshme \u00a0n\u00eb jet\u00ebn publike \u2013 \u00ebsht\u00eb shum\u00eb indikativ fakti se nj\u00eb nga gjeneral\u00ebt m\u00eb fam\u00ebkeq, Rios Mont, madje dy her\u00eb (n\u00eb vitin 1995 dhe n\u00eb vitin 2000) \u00ebsht\u00eb zgjedhur si kryetar i Parlamentit Komb\u00ebtar. Edhe nj\u00eb nga paradokset e p\u00ebrb\u00ebn\u00eb fakti se elita biznesore e k\u00ebtij vendi (shtresa e cila, n\u00eb Ballkan, me p\u00ebrqeshje quhet \u201dmangat\u201d) fare nuk shpreh nj\u00eb zhvillim t\u00eb k\u00ebtill\u00eb t\u00eb ngjarjeve \u2013 k\u00ebshtu q\u00eb m\u00eb shum\u00eb se dy dhjet\u00ebvjet\u00ebsha n\u00eb Guatemal\u00eb faktikisht\u00a0 ekziston pajtimi lidhur me aspektet ky\u00e7e p\u00ebr tejkalimin e pasojave t\u00eb luft\u00ebs civile midis banor\u00ebve t\u00eb saj m\u00eb t\u00eb pasur dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb varf\u00ebr (t\u00eb cil\u00ebt m\u00eb s\u00eb shpeshti kan\u00eb qen\u00eb viktimat m\u00eb t\u00eb shpeshta t\u00eb masakrave, t\u00eb rr\u00ebmbimeve dhe t\u00eb shp\u00ebrnguljeve t\u00eb p\u00ebrdhunshme).<\/p>\n
N\u00eb rastin e Afrik\u00ebs s\u00eb Jugut, m\u00eb s\u00eb shpeshti nuk ka ardhur deri te konfliktet e hapura ushtarake, edhe pse organizatat, t\u00eb cilat i jan\u00eb kund\u00ebrv\u00ebn\u00eb aparteidit, i kan\u00eb pasur edhe krah\u00ebt e tyre ushtarak. Humbjet faktike n\u00eb njer\u00ebz (t\u00eb vrar\u00eb, t\u00eb plagosur, t\u00eb zhdukur), edhe n\u00eb kuptimin absolut e edhe n\u00eb at\u00eb relativ, kan\u00eb qen\u00eb tejet m\u00eb t\u00eb vogla se sa n\u00eb Shri Llanka ose n\u00eb Guatemala \u2013 megjith\u00ebse t\u00eb gjitha shtresat e popullat\u00ebs (disa dhjet\u00ebra miliona kryesisht t\u00eb popullat\u00ebs s\u00eb zez\u00eb, jo t\u00eb bardh\u00eb ose t\u00eb asaj t\u00eb \u201cngjyrosur\u201d) n\u00eb aspektin ekonomik dhe n\u00eb at\u00eb social plot\u00ebsisht jan\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruar. Megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb, me tranzicionin e Afrik\u00ebs s\u00eb Jugut drejt demokracis\u00eb, t\u00eb filluar n\u00eb fund t\u00eb vitit 1989, kurse t\u00eb zyrtarizuar n\u00eb fillim t\u00eb muajit shkurt t\u00eb vitit 1990, si dhe me themelimin e m\u00ebvonsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Komisionit p\u00ebr t\u00eb V\u00ebrtet\u00ebn dhe Pajtimin (Truth and Reconcilliation Commission<\/em>, TRC), gj\u00ebrat fillojn\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb. Ky Komision, t\u00eb cilin e ka udh\u00ebhequr kryepeshkopi Desmond Tutu, n\u00eb pun\u00ebn e t\u00eb cilit ka marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb nj\u00eb num\u00ebr i madh i personaliteteve t\u00eb shquara publike, an\u00eb e k\u00ebnd bot\u00ebs \u00ebsht\u00eb p\u00ebrjetuar si shembull se si nj\u00eb shtet dhe nj\u00eb shoq\u00ebri ballafaqohen me trash\u00ebgimin\u00eb e s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs tragjike. Megjith\u00ebk\u00ebt\u00eb, \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb pak e njohur se Komisioni, menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas themelimit t\u00eb tij, \u00ebsht\u00eb ballafaquare me kufizime serioze: i \u00ebsht\u00eb \u201erekomanduar \u201c q\u00eb t\u00eb mos merret me p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e kapitalit t\u00eb madh (pa t\u00eb cil\u00ebt i gjith\u00eb sistemi politik i themeluar n\u00eb vitin 1949 do t\u00eb ishte i paq\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm), as edhe me oficer\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb lart\u00eb \u00a0(prej t\u00eb cil\u00ebve shumica kan\u00eb mbetur pran\u00eb pushtetit edhe pas ndryshimeve n\u00eb kreun e shtetit t\u00eb vitit 1994). Kjo e ka krijuar p\u00ebrshtypjen e d\u00ebshtimit tek shumica d\u00ebrmuese e t\u00eb ashtuquajturve \u201cnjer\u00ebz t\u00eb zakonsh\u00ebm\u201d. N\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb paradoksale, eksperimenti, i cili \u00ebsht\u00eb lavd\u00ebruar dhe b\u00ebr\u00eb i njohur n\u00eb gjith\u00eb bot\u00ebn si model i cili duhet t\u00eb shfryt\u00ebzohet kudo ku q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb mundur, kurr\u00eb nuk ka qen\u00eb n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00eb t\u00eb gjer\u00eb i pranuar n\u00eb vet Afrik\u00ebn e Jugut. Po ashtu, ndryshe nga Guatemala, ku qarqet afariste q\u00eb moti e kan\u00eb hetuar se konfliktet i sjellin d\u00ebm t\u00ebr\u00eb shtetit, n\u00eb Afrik\u00ebn e Jugut (ku, p\u00ebr hir t\u00eb s\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebs, n\u00eb mas\u00eb shum\u00eb m\u00eb t\u00eb madhe ka qen\u00eb i pranish\u00ebm kapitali nd\u00ebrkomb\u00ebtar korporativ), po ato t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtat qarqe kan\u00eb lidhur nj\u00eb lloj t\u00eb marr\u00ebveshjes me p\u00ebrfaq\u00ebsuesit e pushtetit t\u00eb ri dhe praktikisht i kan\u00eb p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb n\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarjen e p\u00ebrfitimit nga resurset natyrore, me t\u00eb cilat ky shtet \u00ebsht\u00eb jasht\u00ebzakonisht i pasur.<\/p>\n \u00c7far\u00eb porosish eventuale mund t\u00eb p\u00ebrb\u00ebjn\u00eb k\u00ebta shembuj p\u00ebr KOMRA-n? Para s\u00eb gjithash, \u00e7far\u00ebdo lloji i p\u00ebrpjekjes p\u00ebr pajtim pas konflikteve do t\u00eb jet\u00eb i suksessh\u00ebm vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse p\u00ebr dialog krijohen supozimet e duhura. \u00cbsht\u00eb joreale t\u00eb pritet se deri te dialogu i kuptimt\u00eb, i cili \u00e7on tek pajtimi,\u00a0 mund t\u00eb arrihet n\u00eb situat\u00ebn kur ekzistojn\u00eb fitimtar\u00ebt dhe humb\u00ebsit. \u201eFitimtar\u00ebt\u201c v\u00ebshtir\u00eb se do ta shohin se ku q\u00ebndron interesi i tyre n\u00ebse heqin dor\u00eb nga di\u00e7ka q\u00eb tashm\u00eb e kan\u00eb realizuar n\u00eb fush\u00ebbetej\u00eb. E dyta, pos faktor\u00ebve politik relevant, p\u00ebr sukses t\u00eb dialogut \u00ebsht\u00eb e domosdoshme p\u00ebrkrahja m\u00eb e gjer\u00eb shoq\u00ebrore \u2013 dhe ajo duhet t\u00eb p\u00ebrfshij\u00eb edhe njer\u00ebzit, t\u00eb cil\u00ebt udh\u00ebheqin rim\u00ebk\u00ebmbjen e shoq\u00ebrive ekonomikisht t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrruara (t\u00eb ashtuquajtur\u00ebn \u201ebashk\u00ebsin\u00eb biznesore\u201c). N\u00eb fund dhe m\u00eb r\u00ebnd\u00ebsishmja, drejt\u00ebsia p\u00ebr viktimat \u00ebsht\u00eb e realizueshme vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse gjat\u00eb procesit t\u00eb pajtimit flitet mbi t\u00eb gjith\u00eb faktor\u00ebt \u2013 nuk guxohet t\u00eb ket\u00eb t\u00eb privilegjuar, pa marr\u00eb parasysh fuqin\u00eb e tyre momentale politike, ushtarake ose ekonomike. Vet\u00ebm k\u00ebshtu , k\u00ebto procese\u00a0 do t\u00eb pranohen nga ana e shtresave t\u00eb gjera t\u00eb shoq\u00ebris\u00eb (t\u00eb ashtuquajturit \u201epublikut\u201c), q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb kushti themelor p\u00ebr\u00a0 suksesin e tyre afatgjat\u00eb.<\/p>\n Aleksandar Boshkoviq<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"Aleksandar Boshkoviq","protected":false},"author":8,"featured_media":66695,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"quote","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[609],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-109033","post","type-post","status-publish","format-quote","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-vecanerisht-per-komra","post_format-post-format-quote"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\n