{"id":140061,"date":"2016-08-11T10:48:20","date_gmt":"2016-08-11T09:48:20","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.recom.link\/political-reconciliation-reflections-reconciliation-karadzic-trial-2\/"},"modified":"2020-05-02T12:10:22","modified_gmt":"2020-05-02T11:10:22","slug":"political-reconciliation-reflections-reconciliation-karadzic-trial","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.recom.link\/sl\/political-reconciliation-reflections-reconciliation-karadzic-trial\/","title":{"rendered":"What is Political Reconciliation? Reflections on Reconciliation after the Karadzic Trial"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Colleen Murphy<\/strong>[1]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

In March 2016, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) found Bosnian Serb wartime political leader Radovan Karadzic guilty on 10 of 11 charges, including genocide, crimes against humanity and violations of the laws or customs of war. \u00a0He was acquitted on one count of genocide. This verdict spawned significant controversy and commentary.\u00a0 In particular, journalist and scholar Nidzara Ahmetasevic concluded, \u201cIn Bosnia now, we are as far away from reconciliation as we were before the Karadzic trial.\u201d[2]<\/a>\u00a0 Below, I unpack Ahmetasevic\u2019s claim. I focus specifically on the divergent reactions to the Karadzic trial and conviction.\u00a0 Such reactions, I argue, signal an absence of the conditions that would make trust reasonable, and trust is a core component of political reconciliation.<\/p>\n

By political reconciliation, I mean the process of rebuilding damaged political relationships.[3]<\/a>\u00a0 Such repair has a complex set of requirements and entails both institutional and interpersonal changes.[4]<\/a> \u00a0Establishing the conditions that make trust reasonable is a key part of the process of political reconciliation, because of what trusting expresses.\u00a0 To trust an individual is to view that person in a particular way, a way that shapes how we interpret their actions and words, and on what words and actions of theirs we concentrate our attention[5]<\/a> This particular way implies taking a hopeful view of the competence and will of the other.\u00a0 What competence we attribute to someone we trust will vary depending on the relationship in question; competence as a mother is not the same as competence as a citizen or government official. For citizens, basic competence includes the ability to follow the rules and norms that structure interaction among citizens and between citizens and officials. For officials, competence entails knowledge of their role-related responsibilities and rights, as well as recognition of the fact that they act in a public capacity, with the corresponding responsibility to take into account the good of a community when making official decisions.\u00a0 Competence also includes an ability to act on this knowledge. As with competence, the will we attribute to those we trust varies.\u00a0 The robust positive good will towards their children we attribute to trusted parents is different from the more neutral lack of ill will we attribute to trusted citizens and officials. Lack of ill will signals the absence of the desire or intention to harm fellow citizens or officials and a commitment to fair play – a willingness to obey the rules.<\/p>\n

Trust also entails a basic expectation of \u2018trust responsiveness.\u2019 That is, to trust is to expect the trusted person to be moved to prove reliable, to act in accordance with our expectations, and not to exploit our trust.\u00a0 This expectation is also a moral demand, which is why violations of trust are experienced not simply as disappointments but as betrayals.<\/p>\n

Why do we think relationships are damaged when trust is absent?\u00a0 Taking a trusting view and acting on a trustful expectation can express respect and a commitment to reciprocity.\u00a0 It expresses respect, because it implies the presumption of fellow citizens and officials as being competent, basically decent and committed to fair play. And it reflects a commitment to reciprocity, insofar as we take the presumptive view of others we would like to have them take of ourselves. To be trust-responsive is respectful because it implies the right of others to make moral demands of us. In being trust-responsive we are also acting in a manner in which we hope others will act reciprocally.<\/p>\n

Political trust is absent following war and repression.\u00a0 Deep distrust is the most typical and, indeed, reasonable attitude to adopt. In the midst of war, a presumptive lack of ill will can make one vulnerable to being killed. \u00a0This is especially so when conflict is characterized by ethnic cleansing and genocide, as was the case in the Bosnian War.\u00a0 One of the central aims of processes of political reconciliation is to establish conditions where it becomes reasonable to presume the at least basic decency and competence of officials and citizens, and to expect that officials and citizens will prove trust-responsive.<\/p>\n

Reactions to the Karadzic trial demonstrate that reconciliation among Bosnians is distant, in part because they point to the absence of conditions that would make such trust as a default response reasonable.\u00a0 One necessary condition for the presumption of the absence of ill will to be reasonable is acknowledgement of past wrongdoing.\u00a0 Acknowledgement entails recognizing past actions and recognizing them as morally wrong<\/em>.\u00a0 Acknowledgement communicates where the lines for permissible and impermissible conduct should be drawn, and the recognition of such lines on the part of those who are doing the acknowledging.\u00a0 It can provide some evidence of the absence of a desire or intention to harm those previously harmed, and a basic knowledge of how members of a political community should interact.<\/p>\n

A commonly shared view of the reactions to the Karadzic trial and verdict is that they reflect \u201cthe same ideas pervading local politics.\u201d[6]<\/a> Among prominent Bosnian Serbs, reactions to the conviction cast doubt on the justice of the verdict, by calling into question the impartiality and competence of the ICTY, characterizing Karadzic as a hero unjustly targeted and victimized by such proceedings, and focusing on crimes against the Serbs that have so far gone unpunished.[7]<\/a> \u00a0In the words of President of the War Veterans Association of Republika Srpska, Milomir Savicic, \u201c\u2019I am disappointed with the justification of the verdict. That draconian punishment is based on very weak evidence.\u2019\u201d[8]<\/a> Mladen Bosi\u0107, head of the Serb Democratic Party (SDS), stated \u201cThe Hague tribunal has once again shown that it is a political court, the politically based verdicts were \u00a0handed down to all Serb leaders from Serbia, [Bosnia\u2019s autonomous] Republika Srpska and Croatia.\u201d[9]<\/a><\/p>\n

What is telling is what such reactions omit.\u00a0 Setting aside the question of Karadzic\u2019s particular role, missing from such statements is any recognition that Serbian forces committed any wrongdoing whatsoever during the Bosnian War.\u00a0 Instead, there is scepticism expressed about the evidence of killing, torture, mass rapes and genocide – scepticism which can be interpreted as denial that such wrongs took place.\u00a0 By providing no evidence of acknowledgement of wrongdoing, such reactions also provide no evidence that it is reasonable to believe similar wrongdoing will not happen again in the future.<\/p>\n

Such reactions also compound the already deep scepticism among victims and members of their families about the possibility of ever witnessing proper acknowledgement of the wrongs committed.\u00a0 For many Bosnian Muslims, reactions have reflected consternation about the genocide count on which Karadzic was acquitted and the message which that acquittal sent, objection to the limited duration of the sentence, and worries about the trial ultimately being interpreted as vindicating or justifying the actions of Serbs.\u00a0 A mother and widow from Srebrenica, Hatidza Mehmedovic, complained, \u201cThis judgment is a reward for Karad\u017ei\u0107.\u201d[10]<\/a> Saja Coric from Mostar reacted, \u201cThe whole of Republika Srpska is like a mass grave\u2026 we are still searching for our kids\u2026 and they claim this is not genocide.\u201d[11]<\/a> Prior to the verdict, Mirsad Duratovic, who survived the Omarska concentration camp, stated, \u201c\u2019If the judges fail to convict Karad\u017ei\u0107 for genocide in 1992 in Prijedor, it will be a slap in the face of the victims. Everything else will be a reward for Karadzic and Republika Srpska.\u2019\u201d[12]<\/a> Underlying such reactions is the anticipation of disappointment and the expectation of continuing denial with respect to the wrongs done and the causes of such wrongdoing.<\/p>\n

Such divided reactions also point to important limits to the contributions criminal trials on their own can make to political reconciliation.\u00a0 Trials of individual perpetrators cannot by themselves establish the conditions under which trust of fellow citizens and officials become reasonable.\u00a0 Establishing such post-war conditions requires examining the ideologies, institutions and norms that made possible normalized collective and political wrongdoing, as well as the consequences of past wrongdoing, such as ethnic cleansing, that impede political interaction predicated on respect and reciprocity.[13]<\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The author is a Professor of Law, Philosophy and Political Science as well as Director of the Women and Gender in Global Perspectives Program at the University of\u00a0Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. She is author of the books \u2018<\/em>The Conceptual Foundations of Transitional Justice\u2019 (Cambridge University Press, 2016, forthcoming), and \u2018A Moral Theory of Political Reconciliation\u2019 (Cambridge University Press, 2010). <\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[1]<\/a> I thank John Tasioulas and Riada\u00a0A\u0161imovi\u0107 Akyol for their comments on an earlier draft.<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> Nidzara Ahmetasevic, \u201cThe Radovan Karadzic verdict will change nothing,\u201d Al Jazeera <\/em>March 26, 2016, http:\/\/www.aljazeera.com\/indepth\/opinion\/2016\/03\/radovan-karadzic-verdict-change-bosnia-serbia-160327093504907.html<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> For an overview of different senses of reconciliation see Linda Radzik and Murphy, Colleen, “Reconciliation”, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2015 Edition), Edward N. Zalta\u00a0(ed.), http:\/\/plato.stanford.edu\/archives\/sum2015\/entries\/reconciliation\/<\/a><\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> See Colleen Murphy, A Moral Theory of Political Reconciliation <\/em>(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010).<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> Karen Jones, \u201cTrust as an Affective Attitude,\u201d Ethics<\/em> 107 (1996), 4-25.<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> Ahmetasevic, \u201cThe Radovan Karadzic verdict.\u201d<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> Julian Borger, \u201cRadovan Karad\u017ei\u0107’s sentence for Bosnia genocide exposes continuing divisions,\u201d March 24, 2016, https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2016\/mar\/24\/radovan-karadzics-sentence-for-bosnia-genocide-exposes-continuing-divisions<\/a><\/p>\n

[8]<\/a> Denis Dzidic, \u201cKaradzic Verdict: Mixed Reactions Reflect Divided Bosnia,\u201d Balkan Insight, March 24, 2016, http:\/\/www.balkaninsight.com\/en\/article\/karadzic-verdict-mixed-reactions-reflect-divided-society-03-24-2016<\/a><\/p>\n

[9]<\/a> Julian Borger and Owen Bowcott, \u201c’Is the tribunal not ashamed?’ Karad\u017ei\u0107 sentence angers victims,\u201d The Guardian<\/em>, March 24, 2016, https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2016\/mar\/24\/radovan-karadzic-hague-tribunal-sentence-survivors-victims-reaction<\/p>\n

[10]<\/a> Borger, \u201cRadovan Karad\u017ei\u0107’s sentence.\u201d<\/p>\n

[11]<\/a> Dzidic, \u201cKaradzic Verdict.\u201d<\/p>\n

[12]<\/a> Borger and Bowcott, \u201c’Is the tribunal not ashamed?’ https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2016\/mar\/24\/radovan-karadzic-hague-tribunal-sentence-survivors-victims-reaction<\/a> \u201d<\/p>\n

[13]<\/a> On this see Colleen Murphy, The Conceptual Foundations of Transitional Justice <\/em>(Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"Colleen Murphy","protected":false},"author":8,"featured_media":181034,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1573],"tags":[2298,1997,2007],"class_list":["post-140061","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-posebej-za-rekom","tag-colleen-murphy-sl","tag-reconciliation-sl","tag-transitional-justice-sl"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nWhat is Political Reconciliation? 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