{"id":188801,"date":"2022-11-14T15:22:53","date_gmt":"2022-11-14T14:22:53","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.recom.link\/?p=188801"},"modified":"2022-11-14T15:24:41","modified_gmt":"2022-11-14T14:24:41","slug":"accused-war-criminals-qua-perpetrators-on-the-visual-signification-of-criminal-guilt","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.recom.link\/en\/accused-war-criminals-qua-perpetrators-on-the-visual-signification-of-criminal-guilt\/","title":{"rendered":"Accused War Criminals qua Perpetrators: On the Visual Signification of Criminal Guilt"},"content":{"rendered":"<div>\n<div><\/div>\n<div><strong>Publication Date:\u00a0<\/strong>\u00a02019<\/div>\n<div><strong>Publication Name:\u00a0<\/strong>\u00a0Journal of Perpetrator Research<\/div>\n<div><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div><\/div>\n<div class=\"ff1\"><strong><span class=\"a\">Abstract<\/span><\/strong><\/div>\n<div><\/div>\n<div><\/div>\n<div class=\"ff10\"><em><span class=\"a\">This article examines media representations of two high-ranking defend-<\/span><span class=\"a\">ants from Serbia indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugosla<\/span><span class=\"a\">via (ICTY) for war crimes in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. By drawing on a social<\/span><span class=\"a\">semiotic multimodal analysis and by distinguishing between four types of perpetrator\u00a0<\/span><span class=\"a\">images (\u2018the politician\u2019, \u2018the strategist\u2019, \u2018the combatant\u2019, and \u2018the executioner\u2019), the arti<\/span><span class=\"a\">cle provides a detailed analysis of the way in which\u00a0visual material from the courtroom<\/span><span class=\"a\">and from the war is used in television news broadcasts in order to ascribe \u2013 or not to\u00a0<\/span><span class=\"a\">ascribe \u2013 criminal guilt to the accused. Considering the speci\ufb01c culture of denial in <\/span><span class=\"a\">Serbia, persistent despite of dozens of war crimes trials conducted at the ICTY\u00a0and in<\/span><span class=\"a\">domestic courts, the article further examines the use\u00a0of visual materials in\u00a0the defend-<\/span><span class=\"a\">ant-centered national discourse and the\u00a0victim-centered transnation<span class=\"l6\">al discourse. The <\/span><\/span><span class=\"a\">article argues that the use\u00a0of visuals as exempli\ufb01ed in the\u00a0victim-centered discourse<\/span><span class=\"a\">is necessary albeit not su\ufb03cient for triggering the\u00a0process of dealing with the past.<\/span><\/em><\/div>\n<div><\/div>\n<div><\/div>\n<div class=\"ff1\" style=\"text-align: right;\"><strong><span class=\"a\">Keywords<\/span><span class=\"a\">: <\/span><\/strong><\/div>\n<div class=\"ff1\" style=\"text-align: right;\"><span class=\"a\">TV news, war crime trials, media, atrocity videos, former-Yugoslavia, <\/span><span class=\"a\">perpetrators<\/span><\/div>\n<div style=\"text-align: right;\"><\/div>\n<div><\/div>\n<div><\/div>\n<div>\n<div class=\"ff6\"><strong><span class=\"a\">Introduction<\/span><\/strong><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"ff12\"><\/div>\n<div><\/div>\n<div>\n<div class=\"ff12\">The term \u2018war crimes\u2019 is generally thought to refer to atrocities legally qualified as genocide, crimes against humanity, breaches of the laws and customs of war, all of which seem<br \/>\nto be straightforward cases for the establishment of criminal guilt, both legally and in public discourse. Considering the gravity of the crimes and the large number of victims, often amounting to hundreds or thousands, war crimes are considered to be the most horrific atrocities committed in war, where only exceptional cases are prosecuted. Indeed, waging a war while abstaining from systematic, planned and continuous mass murders of civilians and prisoners of war, or from the systematic expulsion of civilians and the deliberate targeting of civilian objects is not considered illegal. Operating on the basis of such a restrictive concept of war crimes, reserved only for cases of extreme brutality, the ascription of criminal guilt to the planners and commanders of such atrocities might seem unproblematic.<\/div>\n<div><\/div>\n<div class=\"ff12\">\n<p><span class=\"a\">The war crimes trials at the International Criminal T<span class=\"l6\">ribunal for the <\/span><\/span><span class=\"a\">former Yugoslavia (ICTY), as well as their public mediation, proved <\/span><span class=\"a\">this assumption wrong. Able to prosecute only a very limited num<\/span><span class=\"a\">ber of perpetrators, the ICTY announced as its main goal to target<\/span><span class=\"a\">the high-ranking o\ufb03cials, those considered most responsible for the<\/span><span class=\"a\">crimes committed in wars in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH)<\/span><span class=\"a\">and Kosovo. Serbia, while o\ufb03cially not taking part in the wars in<\/span><span class=\"a\">Croatia and BiH, nonetheless provided political support, volunteers,<\/span><span class=\"a\">weaponry, logistics, and \ufb01nances for waging these wars. Despite in<\/span><span class=\"a\">ternational sanctions, Serbia (as part of Federal Republic of Yugosla-<\/span><span class=\"a\">via), continued to support the war e\ufb00orts of the new political entities <\/span>Republika Srpska Krajina in Croatia and Republika Srpska <span class=\"a\">in Bosnia. Te<\/span><span class=\"a\">crimes committed by forces of these entities \u2014 army and territorial de<\/span><span class=\"a\">fence, but also by members of the Yugoslav People\u2019s Army (YPA), para-<\/span><span class=\"a\">military and volunteer troops from Serbia \u2014 included the two months<\/span><span class=\"a\">long siege of Vukovar and the surrounding villages, the mass murder<\/span><span class=\"a\">of prisoners of war and civilians in Ov\u010dara near Vukovar, sniper at-<\/span><span class=\"a\">tacks, numerous shelling assaults during the siege of Sarajevo, ethnic <\/span><span class=\"a\">cleansing, deportations, the organization of concentratio<span class=\"l7\">n camps,\u00a0and<\/span><\/span><span class=\"a\">mass rapes and murders in eastern and north-western Bosnia in 1992.<\/span><span class=\"a\">Tese systematic war crimes ended with the genocide in Srebrenica in<\/span><span class=\"a\"> July 1995, where more than 8000 Bosniaks were m<span class=\"l6\">urdered. For the war <\/span><\/span><span class=\"a\">crimes in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, the highest ranking <\/span><span class=\"a\">accused from Serbia include<span class=\"l6\">d president Slobodan Milo\u0161evi\u0107, the Chief\u00a0<\/span><\/span><span class=\"a\">of the General Sta\ufb00 of the Yugoslav People\u2019s Army Mom\u010dilo Peri\u0161i\u0107,<\/span><span class=\"a\">the chief of the secret service Jovica Stani\u0161i\u0107, and intelligence o\ufb03cer <\/span><span class=\"a\">Franko Simatovi\u0107*. <\/span><span class=\"a\">After Slobodan Milo\u0161evi\u0107\u2019<span class=\"l9\">s death in\u00a0Scheveninge<span class=\"l6\">n <\/span><\/span><\/span><span class=\"a\">prison during the trial, the only cases in which the criminal respon<\/span><span class=\"a\">sibility of high-ranking o\ufb03cials of the Serbian state could have been <\/span><span class=\"a\">proven, establishing the complicity of the state in the commission <\/span><span class=\"a\">of these crimes, were the Peri\u0161i\u0107 and Stani\u0161i\u0107 and Simatovi\u0107 trials. A <\/span><span class=\"a\"><span class=\"a\">conviction in the Peri\u0161i\u0107 and Stani\u0161i\u0107 cases would have con\ufb01rmed the <\/span><\/span>Prosecution\u2019s claim that the wars in Croatia and Bosnia were waged from Serbia, politically conceptualized by Milo\u0161evi\u0107 and his collaborators as well as heading institutions like the army and the ministry of the interior. In addition, by identifying and convicting leading state officials, these judgments could have challenged the widespread denial in Serbia. Finally, because of the large number of atrocities in the indictment, these two cases might have been an incentive for the media to use archival footage from the war when reporting on the trials.Nevertheless, there is a consensus among scholars that the ICTY trials did not lead to a wide acknowledgement of responsibility or to a process of coming to terms with the past in Serbia. Sabrina Ramet, for example, holds that Serbian society is still locked in denial*, an outcome, according to Jelena Suboti\u0107, of the political elite\u2019s \u2018hijacking transitional justice\u2019.* Although there were several moments when the Serbian society was confronted with the crimes, according to Eric Gordy, they failed to have a lasting impact.4 Despite of hundreds of trials, the vast majority of the Serbian population perceives the Tribunal as ethnically biased, expressing little trust in the trials and their outcomes.* Against this background, the present study focuses on the Peri\u0161i\u0107 case and the Stani\u0161i\u0107 and Simatovi\u0107 case, as they exemplify the specific problems and predicaments of media representations of such trials in nationalist, defendant-centered media reporting on the one hand, and in transnational reporting on the other.<\/p>\n<p>Mom\u010dilo Peri\u0161i\u0107, the Chief of the General Staff of the Yugoslav People\u2019s Army from 1993 till 1998, was accused of aiding and abetting murder, inhumane acts, attacks and persecutions of civilians in Sarajevo and Srebrenica, crimes against humanity, and violations of the laws and customs of war.* He was also accused as a superior under command responsibility for failing to punish the crimes of the Army of <em>Republika Srpska Krajina <\/em>during the shelling of Zagreb, including the murder, injuring and wounding of civilians as crimes against humanity. The trial started in 2008, and the trial chamber sentenced Peri\u0161i\u0107 to 27 years in prison in September 2011.* The Appeal Chamber acquitted Peri\u0161i\u0107 on all counts in February 2013, stating that Peri\u0161i\u0107 was supporting a general war effort, rather than committing war crimes. Judges concluded that \u2018no conviction for aiding and abetting may be entered if the element of specific direction is not established beyond reasonable doubt\u2019.* Similarly, in relation to the conviction for superior responsibility, the Appeals Chamber didn\u2019t find evidence supporting the effective control of the Yugoslav army Chief of Staff over the Republika Srpska Krajina forces during the time of the Zagreb shelling.<\/p>\n<p>Jovica Stani\u0161i\u0107 was head of the State Security Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Serbia from 1991 to 1998, while his associate, Franko Simatovi\u0107, was employed in the Second administration of the secret service. They were arrested during the state of emergency declared after the assassination of Serbian Prime Minister<br \/>\nZoran \u0110in\u0111i\u0107 in March 2003 and extradited to the Hague Tribunal. The trial started in 2009, with Stani\u0161i\u0107 and Simatovi\u0107 accused of having directed, organised, equipped, trained, armed and financed units of the Serbian State Security Service which murdered, persecuted and deported Croats, Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Croats and other non-Serb civilians from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia between 1991 and 1995.9 These units participated in a Joint Criminal Enterprise (JCE), with the aim of permanently removing non-Serbs from large areas in Croatia and Bosnia. The prosecution also alleged that Stani\u0161i\u0107 and Simatovi\u0107 had set up, trained and later deployed special units of the Serbian State Security Service like the Red Berets, the Scorpions, Arkan\u2019s Tigers, Marti\u0107\u2019s Police, the militia of the so-called Serbian Autonomous District of Slavonia, Baranja and Western Srem, and Special Operation Units and anti-terrorist units of the Yugoslav People\u2019s Army.* These units committed a number of crimes throughout the wars in Bosnia and Croatia. They were also charged of persecutions, murder, deportations and forcible transfer of civilians in Bijeljina, Doboj, Sanski Most, and Zvornik in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Finally, they were accused of the murder of six Bosniaks captured after the fall of Srebrenica, committed and videotaped by members of the Scorpions special unit.11 After the acquittal by the Trial Chamber in May 2013, the Appeal Chamber ordered a retrial which is still ongoing at the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals.<\/p>\n<p>The overturn of the conviction to an acquittal in the Peri\u0161i\u0107 case and the acquittal in retrial in the Stani\u0161i\u0107 and Simatovi\u0107 case are taken as a reminder that establishing the criminal guilt of high-ranking officials in the courtroom is a challenging task for the courts, but it also provides an opportunity to examine whether and in how far the visual representation of criminal guilt changes in accordance to the ICTY sentencing. The article proceeds as follows: after giving an account of the broader literature on the mediation of the trials in general and their visual representations in particular, a short overview of the methodology is provided, followed by the analysis part, divided into three sections: (i) sequences showing the accused in the courtroom; (ii) sequences showing the accused as a high-ranking official, and (iii) sequences showing the accused as war criminal.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong><a href=\"https:\/\/www.recom.link\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/11\/Accused_War_Criminals_qua_Perpetrators_O-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">READ FULL ARTICLE<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<div>\n<div class=\"ff12\">\n<div class=\"ff12\"><strong> Katarina Risti\u0107<\/strong><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div><\/div>\n<div>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<hr \/>\n<p>*Four Yugoslav army officers were also convicted \u2013 Miodrag Joki\u0107 and Pavle Strugar for crimescommitted during the operations around Dubrovnik, and Mile Mrk\u0161i\u0107 and Veselin \u0160ljivan\u010danin for crimes committed after the fall of Vukovar. The case of Vojislav \u0160e\u0161elj, who was acquitted by the Trial Chamber and later convicted to 10 years of prison on appeal, is not included, as his obstructive and eccentric behavior in the court created a sui generis case in terms of media presentation.<\/p>\n<p>* Sabrina P. Ramet, \u2018The Denial Syndrome and Its Consequences: Serbian Political Culture since 2000\u2019, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 40.1 (2007), 41\u201358.<\/p>\n<p>*Jelena Suboti\u0107, Hijacked Justice (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009).<\/p>\n<p>*Eric Gordy, Guilt, Responsibility, and Denial: The Past at Stake in Post-Milo\u0161evi\u0107 Serbia (Philadelphia:University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013).<\/p>\n<p>*Vojin Dimitrijevi\u0107, Stavovi Prema Ratnim Zlo\u010dinima: Haskom Tribunalu i doma\u0107im Su\u0111enjima za Ratne Zlo\u010dine (Belgrade: Beogradski centar za ljudska prava, 2009).<\/p>\n<p>*ICTY Prosecutor vs. Peri\u0161i\u0107, Indictment, IT-04-81-PT, 5.02.2008.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"Publication Date:\u00a0\u00a02019 Publication Name:\u00a0\u00a0Journal of Perpetrator Research Abstract This article examines media representations of two high-ranking defend-ants from Serbia indicted&#8230; 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