{"id":134675,"date":"2015-08-17T12:46:16","date_gmt":"2015-08-17T11:46:16","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.recom.link\/jedan-dan-pomirenja-2\/"},"modified":"2015-08-25T09:38:43","modified_gmt":"2015-08-25T08:38:43","slug":"jedan-dan-pomirenja","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.recom.link\/en\/jedan-dan-pomirenja\/","title":{"rendered":"A Single Day of Reconciliation"},"content":{"rendered":"

It established that, for the vast majority of B&H citizens, the recent war-ridden past still represents an intrinsic part of the present. This burden of the past is most often a byproduct of inaccurate and incomplete knowledge of the past tragic events, as the majority of those interviewed believed that the facts about the 1992 \u2013 1995 war had, for the most part, never been established. They were also burdened by different, mostly opposing interpretations of the same events \u2013 \u201cthe three truths about the war between three peoples\u201d. It is precisely for this reason that it is hard to imagine or expect the families of the victims and witnesses of wartime events would in general provide an impetus for a \u201cshared day of remembrance\u201d and shared memorials. But, historically speaking, that would be the only legitimate source for any such idea of reconciliation!<\/em><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

Dr Zoran Paji\u0107<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Aleksandar Vu\u010di\u0107: \u201cI will never give up on the idea of a shared day of remembrance for all the victims of the wars in the former Yugoslavia. I am proud of this initiative, and I believe that the region will reconcile in the end, even if takes several years\u201d. (Kurir, Belgrade, August 11th<\/sup>, 2015)<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Suspicions concerning Prime Minister Vu\u010di\u0107\u2019s good intentions were at the forefront of virtually every reaction to his statement from abroad. However, it is difficult to question the earnestly stated intentions of any prime minister, as such statements (and those of high officials in general) are to be construed as the state\u2019s official political position. To put it simply, they are there to be interpreted at face value, as documents leaving behind a legacy for the future.<\/p>\n

Nevertheless, from the perspective of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is difficult to accept such an idea, keeping in mind the nature of the war and the fragile vision for reconciliation in this country. From the Bosniaks\u2019 viewpoint, Vu\u010di\u0107\u2019s initiative for \u201ca day of remembrance for all the victims of the wars in the former Yugoslavia\u201d does not come across as convincing, as it is tied to a people and a country where the denial of mass crimes in B&H and the Srebrenica genocide have consistently marked the Serbian position on the 1992 \u2013 1995 war. Also, in Republika Srpska, the frequent manifestations of denial of the mass crimes perpetrated against Bosniaks, coupled with statements mocking the victims and attempts to relativize the loss and suffering of their families, as well as the arrogance of local authorities in dealing with the returnees to Prijedor, most certainly would not lead to a dignified observance of such a memorial day. On the other hand, Bosnia\u2019s Serbs would have trouble believing in the Bosniaks\u2019 genuine respect for \u201call the victims\u201d, at least not until the \u201cVolunteers\u2019 Street\u201d Case is closed \u2013 a case which actually was never even opened within the jurisdiction of the prosecutor\u2019s office in Sarajevo. At the same time, it would be impolite even to talk about all the stalling and manipulation surrounding the memorials, or lack thereof, to the victims of multiple crimes at Kazani. Nor would this be the last point raised in the controversy surrounding a \u201cday of reconciliation\u201d in B&H. It is hard even to imagine how the Bosniaks would commemorate such a day together with Bosnia\u2019s Croats, whose entire political leadership publicly celebrates war criminal Darijo Kordi\u0107, along with his release from a prison term and return to what in a thriller might be called the \u201csite of the crime\u201d in the La\u0161vanska Valley , 20 years after the end of the war.<\/p>\n

These are just some of the examples which indicate that for such an abstract but, at least in principle, noble idea to come to life, the necessary conditions, set out in the principles and experiences of transitional justice, have yet to be met. This is not to say that the initiative is premature; it simply does not have a solid foundation.<\/p>\n

It would be useful to take this opportunity to remind ourselves of one of the findings of a UNDP (UN Development Program) public survey conducted in B&H during 2008. It established that, for the vast majority of B&H citizens, the recent war-ridden past still represents an intrinsic part of the present. This burden of the past is most often a byproduct of inaccurate and incomplete knowledge of the past tragic events, as the majority of those interviewed believed that the facts about the 1992 \u2013 1995 war had, for the most part, never been established. They were also burdened by different, mostly opposing interpretations of the same events \u2013 \u201cthe three truths about the war between three peoples\u201d. It is precisely for this reason that it is hard to imagine or expect the families of the victims and witnesses of wartime events would in general provide an impetus for a \u201cshared day of remembrance\u201d and shared memorials. But, historically speaking, that would be the only legitimate source for any such idea of reconciliation!<\/p>\n

The first attempt at large-scale national reconciliation in Europe was made by General Francisco Franco in the aftermath of the Spanish civil war (1936 \u2013 1939), in which Franco\u2019s \u201cNationalists\u201d quelled the \u201cRepublican\u201d uprising against Fascism. The war left deep divisions and animosities in its wake, but that did not stop the ruling Francoist regime from starting to work on their own version of \u201creconciliation\u201d as early as the 1940s. As a symbol of this process, a memorial complex and a commemorative Catholic basilica were built in the Valley of the Fallen (Valle de los Caidos<\/em>), standing as a shared monument and cemetery for all the victims, from both sides of the war. This huge structure was inaugurated not far from Madrid in 1959, only to be seen, from the very outset, as an insult to all the Republican victims, and consequently rejected by their families and the surviving members of the movement. And so it was that this manipulated memorial to \u201call the fallen\u201d became a central gathering place for Franco\u2019s supporters and the supporters of his politics. It serves this purpose to this day.<\/p>\n

It was only logical that a completely different approach to the past in post-Nazi Germany led to German Chancellor Willy Brandt\u2019s legendary gesture in Warsaw in 1970. Having laid a wreath at the foot of the monument to the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising against the Nazi occupation of Poland, Brandt spontaneously fell to his knees in humility and remorse for all the world to see. This iconic image still stands as a metaphor for the process of normalization and reconciliation in Europe, which was ushered in by denazification, the lustration of entire state institutions, a system of war reparations, and the democratization of German society as a whole. But the Western Balkans still await a genuine implementation of these processes.<\/p>\n

Going back to the subject of this article, it is clear that neither of these two examples bears a direct resemblance in terms of the state of people\u2019s minds in the countries referred to by Aleksandar Vu\u010di\u0107 in his speech about shared respect for all the victims. They just show that forced, \u201cundeserving\u201d and non-consensual initiatives for reconciliation have no future, and that, as such, they could very well imply an intention to relativize all the suffering, loss and war crimes in general. And, by default, they hurt the feelings of the ethnic or religious group that has suffered the most.<\/p>\n

As is relevant to this particular issue, \u00a0Serbia has shown too little understanding of the sacrifice born by the Bosniak people; like Republika Srspska, which has refrained from any and all gestures of empathy towards them, avoided all initiatives to restore at least a semblance of dignity to the survivors, and failed to \u00a0express any commiseration or remorse.<\/span> It was because of all this that Neboj\u0161a Radmanovi\u0107, a two-term member of the B&H Presidency, became the subject of public ridicule, since all his speeches would begin with the words: \u201cWell, yes, the war did occur, but let\u2019s just draw a line and look to the future\u2026\u201d – as if he were speaking about an earthquake or a flood.<\/p>\n

Vu\u010di\u0107, on the other hand, has demonstrated a determination to raise the crucial question of coexistence and stability in the Balkans: How to prepare and encourage the future generations to break the chain of inter-generational transfer of violence, hatred, anger, revenge and guilt?<\/p>\n

He chose the idea for a shared day of remembrance (not to forget \u201crespect\u201d) of all the victims, to test the public\u2019s pulse and guage its initial reaction. The idea itself does sound acceptable; but such an initiative has to be built on a solid foundation, in order to be accepted with trust and the desire for its actual implementation \u2013 that is, for it not to be turned into just another empty phrase about reconciliation \u201cthe Balkans way\u201d. But for the time being, there is ample reason to view this project, as envisaged by the Serbian Prime Minister, with distrust and disbelief. Apart from the whole series of pre-requisites I mentioned earlier, one first needs to explain the absurdity of the fact that his initiative, aimed at \u201call the victims\u201d, comes from Serbia \u2013 which didn\u2019t see a single shot fired during the 1992 \u2013 1995 war. Finally, Vu\u010di\u0107 definitely needs no allies among the likes of Mladen Ivani\u0107 (B&H Presidency member), who rushed in with fiery proclamations that \u201cthe Prime Minister\u2019s idea\u2026 demonstrates fully the superiority of the Serbs as a people, and the anarchic thinking of politicians from other ethnic groups\u201d (Ve\u010dernje novosti<\/em>, Belgrade; Nezavisne novine<\/em>, Banja Luka \u2013 August 14th<\/sup>, 2015). Such an openly racist compliment to Vu\u010di\u0107 and his initiative will most certainly not help him gain any credibility in the region.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

London, August, 2015<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\u00a0The author is a professor Dr. of Public International Law and visiting professor of\u00a0King’s College London
\n<\/em><\/p>\n

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