{"id":139161,"date":"2016-05-25T12:04:28","date_gmt":"2016-05-25T11:04:28","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.recom.link\/icty-exposes-gap-individual-criminal-justice-writing-history-2\/"},"modified":"2016-05-31T11:45:18","modified_gmt":"2016-05-31T10:45:18","slug":"icty-exposes-gap-individual-criminal-justice-writing-history","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.recom.link\/bhsc\/icty-exposes-gap-individual-criminal-justice-writing-history\/","title":{"rendered":"Procesi pred MKTJ otkrivaju prazninu izme\u0111u individualne krivi\u010dne pravde i pisanja istorije"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"IJT\"<\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\u201eKona\u010dno, dobre vesti iz Haga!\u201c \u010duo se sada ve\u0107 \u010duveni povik srpskog premijera Ivice Da\u010di\u0107a nakon \u0161to je Me\u0111unarodni krivi\u010dni sud za biv\u0161u Jugoslaviju u \u017ealbenom postupku oslobodio krivice nekada\u0161njeg na\u010delnika General\u0161taba Vojske Jugoslavije Mom\u010dila Peri\u0161i\u0107a. Za njega i vladu koju je predstavljao time su vindicirani i postupci zvani\u010dnog Beograda tokom rata. \u010cinjenica da je Me\u0111unarodni sud pravde prethodno utvrdio delimi\u010dnu odgovornost dr\u017eave Srbije upravo za zlo\u010dine zbog kojih je su\u0111eno i Peri\u0161i\u0107u gurnuta je pod tepih [IJT-63<\/a>].<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Pi\u0161e: Joost van Egmond<\/strong>, The International Justice Tribune<\/a> (IJT)
\n<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Ovakvi prizori su \u010desta pojava \u0161irom biv\u0161e Jugoslavije. Biv\u0161i premijer Kosova Ramush Haradinaj do\u010dekan je kao heroj u Pri\u0161tini nakon \u0161to je oslobo\u0111en u Hagu. [IJT-141<\/a>], ba\u0161 kao i hrvatski general Ante Gotovina koji se vratio ku\u0107i kada mu je presuda ukinuta u \u017ealbenom postupku. Oni govore o mentalitetu koji ljude deli na \u201ena\u0161e i njihove\u201c i \u010desto oblikuje na\u010din na koji se MKTJ percipira u regionu. Okrivljuju\u0107a presuda protiv \u201ena\u0161ih\u201c smatra se nacionalnim porazom, a osloba\u0111aju\u0107a pobedom. Okrivljuju\u0107e \u010dinjenice koje presuda tretira kao dokazane tu vi\u0161e uop\u0161te nisu bitne. Istinsko samopreispitivanje koje bi predstavljalo korak ka priznanju \u010dinjenica gotovo da i ne postoji. \u201eAko Gotovina nije bio odgovoran za ubistva civila tokom operacije Oluja (1995) kojom je komandovao li\u010dno, ko onda jeste?\u201c, pita se Mario Ma\u017ei\u0107, aktivista za ljudska prava iz Hrvatske, isti\u010du\u0107i da je njegova zemlja propustila ogromnu priliku da istra\u017ei celo to pitanje nakon \u0161to je Gotovina oslobo\u0111en. I mnogi drugi govore o svojim zemljama na isti na\u010din. Ali svi oni moraju da se bore da bi ih neko uop\u0161te i \u010duo.<\/p>\n

Da li MKTJ mo\u017ee da ostvari pomirenje?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Dok tvrdi da je njegov rad \u201edoprineo otvaranju puta ka pomirenju\u201c nekada\u0161njih sukobljenih strana, MKTJ istovremeno nije opremljen za takav zadatak. Okupiran utvr\u0111ivanjem individualne krivi\u010dne odgovornosti, Tribunal ima tendenciju da se fokusira na pravna pitanja koja mo\u017eda jesu veoma relevantna za samo su\u0111enje, ali ne\u0107e zadovoljiti \u017ertve koje tra\u017ee priznanje, niti otvoriti o\u010di svih onih koji su izabrali da ne vide.<\/p>\n

Uprkos tome, u onim slu\u010dajevima u kojima su na kraju izre\u010dene okrivljuju\u0107e presude Tribunal ipak jeste predvodio proces utvr\u0111ivanja \u010dinjenica koje mogu biti iskori\u0161\u0107ene kao temelj istorijskog narativa. Me\u0111utim, nedavne osloba\u0111aju\u0107e presude komplikuju takve napore. Osloba\u0111anje optu\u017eenog ne zna\u010di da zlo\u010din nije po\u010dinjen, ali ni po\u010dinioci ni \u017ertve takve nijanse ne razlikuju. Kada je ratni lider bosanskih Srba Radovan Karad\u017ei\u0107 nedavno progla\u0161en krivim za masovno ubistvo, odnosno zlo\u010din protiv \u010dove\u010dnosti u sedam op\u0161tina \u0161irom Bosne, ali istovremeno oslobo\u0111en optu\u017ebi za genocid u tim mestima, najmanje sto \u017ertava i \u010dlanova njihovih porodica koje su bile okupljene ispred zgrade suda okarakterisale su to kao pravu sramotu [IJT-192<\/a>]. Za njih je to predstavljalo neka\u017enjivost.<\/p>\n

\u201eMKTJ se bavi individualnom krivi\u010dnom odgovorno\u0161\u0107u, on ne mo\u017ee da nam pi\u0161e istoriju niti to treba da tra\u017eimo\u201c, ka\u017ee Ma\u017ei\u0107. \u201eTo treba da uradimo sami.\u201c Lokalni aktivisti iz \u010ditavog regiona su uradili upravo to kada su stvorili REKOM \u2013 inicijativu za uspostavljanje nezavisne regionalne komisije koja \u0107e istra\u017eiti \u0161ta se zaista dogodilo tokom rata. Komisija bi se dr\u017eala podalje od pravnih okvira koji se vezuju za MKTJ i umesto toga bi se fokusirala na utvr\u0111ivanje \u010dinjenica o onome \u0161to se doga\u0111alo na terenu. \u201eNa\u0161 rad se bazira na \u010dinjenicama, na onome \u0161to se ljudima direktno dogodilo. Pravne odluke nisu relevantne za to\u201c, ka\u017ee Nata\u0161a Kandi\u0107, borac za ljudska prava iz Srbije i \u010dlan Koalicije za REKOM.<\/p>\n

Pitanje da li bi ono \u0161to se odigralo u bosanskom gradu Prijedoru [IJT-157<\/a>] moglo pravno da se okarakteri\u0161e kao genocid ili ne samo je jedna od tema usijanih debata u regionu. MKTJ je utvrdio da je vi\u0161e hiljada onih koji nisu Srbi bilo odvedeno i zatvoreno u u\u017easnim uslovima, odnosno da su mnogi od njih ubijeni. Nezavisna komisija bi mogla da pomogne svim stranama da ta\u010dno utvrde ko je tokom rata ubijen i ko je za to bio odgovoran. Na takav istorijski zapis bi mogli da se oslanjaju i \u0161kolski ud\u017ebenici. Sprovedena istra\u017eivanja, ina\u010de, sugeri\u0161u da svest o po\u010dinjenim ratnim zlo\u010dinima kod mladih generacija sve vi\u0161e opada umesto da zajedno sa njima raste.<\/p>\n

Od pokretanja Inicijative za REKOM je pro\u0161lo skoro deset godina, ali se \u010dini da je osnivanje komisije i dalje veoma daleko.<\/strong><\/p>\n

REKOM je prikupio zna\u010dajnu podr\u0161ku \u2013 vi\u0161e od 500.000 potpisa za osnivanje komisije, \u010dak i tentativnu podr\u0161ku nekih klju\u010dnih politi\u010dkih figura, poput aktuelnog srpskog premijera Aleksandra Vu\u010di\u0107a. Ali od pokretanja ove inicijative je pro\u0161lo skoro deset godina. Regionalna komisija koju bi podr\u017eavale sve biv\u0161e zara\u0107ene strane tek treba da bude uspostavljena i malo je onih koji o\u010dekuju da se to dogodi uskoro.<\/p>\n

Iako su nedavne kontroverzne odluke Tribunala naglasile potrebu za komisijom koja \u0107e raditi na utvr\u0111ivanju \u010dinjenica bez izazivanja novih tenzija, problem je u tome \u0161to takve presude istovremeno produbljuju upravo one podele koje ote\u017eavaju i mobilisanje podr\u0161ke za REKOM. Dokle god dominira taj mentalitet na\u0161ih i njihovih, dru\u0161tva koja smatraju da su pretrpela \u201eporaz\u201c pred Tribunalom bi\u0107e sklona tome da dalje utvr\u0111uju svoje pozicije i fokusiraju se samo na svoju verziju doga\u0111aja.<\/p>\n

Kampanja prikupljanja potpisa za REKOM je u tom pogledu bila indikativan primer. Pokrenuta nedugo nakon prvostepene okrivljuju\u0107e presude hrvatskom generalu Anti Gotovini (2011), ubrzo je bila izlo\u017eena brojnim aktima zastra\u0161ivanja njenih aktivista, pre svega u Hrvatskoj, gde je takvih incidenata bilo mnogo vi\u0161e nego u drugim zemljama regiona. Peticiju za osnivanje REKOM-a je na kraju potpisalo 20.000 hrvatskih gra\u0111ana, \u0161to je spektakularno mali broj u pore\u0111enju sa Bosnom (120.000) ili Srbijom (250.000). To je, naravno, samo prvi utisak, pa i sami aktivisti te incidente u najve\u0107oj meri obja\u0161njavaju lo\u0161im tajmingom. Ishod bi mo\u017eda bio druga\u010diji da je kampanja pokrenuta nakon njegovog osloba\u0111anja u \u017ealbenom postupku. Dokle god dominira taj mentalitet na\u0161ih i njihovih, dru\u0161tva koja smatraju da su pretrpela \u201eporaz\u201c pred Tribunalom bi\u0107e sklona tome da dalje utvr\u0111uju svoje pozicije i fokusiraju se samo na svoju verziju doga\u0111aja.<\/p>\n

Zato je i dalje veoma te\u0161ko dopreti do onih \u010diji se narativi o ratu razlikuju od na\u0161ih. \u201eMnogi danas ka\u017eu da, ako ve\u0107 sudije Tribunala ne mogu da se dogovore, to treba da uradimo sami\u201c, ka\u017ee Ma\u017ei\u0107. \u201eU neku ruku, to zaista jeste tako, ali potreban nam je kriti\u010dki osvrt koji uklju\u010duje razli\u010dite perspektive, a on se stvara dijalogom. Ali ne vidim da je to mogu\u0107e u ovom trenutku.\u201c<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

— Ovo je druga pri\u010da u IJT-ovom serijalu od \u010detiri \u010dlanka koji se bavi nasle\u0111em Me\u0111unarodnog krivi\u010dnog tribunala za biv\u0161u Jugoslaviju uo\u010di planirane debate \u201eRasplet \u2013 su\u0111enja i muke Tribunala za ratne zlo\u010dine u biv\u0161oj Jugoslaviji\u201c, a koji zajedno organizuju holandski NIOD, Institut za studije o ratu, Holokaustu i genocidu i internet portal IJT(International Justice Tribune). Debata \u0107e biti organizovana u Amsterdamu 31. maja. Registracija i dodatne informacije o debati i u\u010desnicima:<\/em> click here<\/a>.–<\/em><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Napomena o autorskom pravu: \u201eOvaj tekst originalno je objavljen na portalu International Justice Tribune 24. maja 2016<\/a><\/em>. Posetite njihov website www.justicetribune.com<\/a> za jo\u0161 priloga ili pratite IJT na dru\u0161tvenim mre\u017eama Facebook i Twitter (@Justicetribune)\u201c.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

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